Search Results

Indigenous Russian languages have officially been added to Google Translate, including, but not limited to: Avar, Bashkir, Buryat, Chechen, Chuvash, Ossetian, Udmurt, Tuvan, Yakut, Crimean Tatar, Komi, and Meadow-Mari. Over 614 million - about 8% of the world's population - speak these languages (about a quarter of them are African languages). In the future, Google expects to create an artificial intelligence model that'll support the 1000 most common languages around the world. Brief testing has shown that Google Translate demonstrates more accurate results when translating words and sentences from Indigenous Russian languages into Russian, than when translating Russian into other languages. While some words disappear from the context, Google Translate gives the best results from existing analogues.

The myth "of Putin's military Buryats" was already circulating in the media before the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion on Ukraine. The legacy of imperial propaganda and its Soviet transformations shaped the orientation of the enemy's image into a habitual one. In propaganda's cultural uprising - beginning from the visualization of epics about Ilya Muromets, non-Slavs are always antagonists. The monstrousness of crimes in Bucha seemed to have come across another myth of this propaganda heritage - the myth of brotherly peoples. It was most likely easier for Ukraine citizens to believe that the responsibility for numerous civilian murders lies with the "Others" - Buryats, Chechens, Bashkirs and countless other non-Russians - than with "similar" Russians. Thus, the myth of "combat Buryats" has laid the foundation for a large-scale hyper-representation of the Buryats. In September 2022, partial mobilization became one of the most powerful catalysts for anti-war and decolonial activism - both among the residents of Buryatia and among the residents of other regions. Anti-war activists tirelessly worked to overcome chaos and confusion. Indigenous Russian non-profits "Free Yakutia," "Oirad Jisan," "New Tuva," "Akbuzat," and "Asians of Russia" were also involved in mutual assistance. However, it became obvious that in repressive situations against civil activists, there wasn't sufficient resources for mutual support. Fears of expressing anti-war views and supporting acts of resistance were a direct consequence of the authoritarian regime, which for decades has cultivated in the non-central regions of Russia. In addition to direct repressions, the totalitarian regime has endlessly produced distrust, fears of denunciations, and fears of seeking solidarity, as well as fostering misinformation. War and mobilization expose unprecendented levels of economic and territorial inequality, experienced by residents of Russia's non-central regions. While men from large settlements - primarily from Ulan-Ude - are aware of their rights and their potential to avoid mobilization, the agenda to the front in rural areas is perceived inevitable. Moreover, local officials involved in the mobilization are guided by strict rules, handing out summonses to men from the least wealthy families, whose relatives won't be able to afford hiring lawyers. The mobilization was directed primarily against the male Buryat population. However, resistance to mobilization has sparked various issues, in which the solution is often associated with women's experiences. It was Buryat women who sought logistical options, emotional support for the departed, and emotional connections. In such circumstances, women's experiences often go unnoticed. The war tends to discursively connect with "men's business." Even World War II is known as "domestic," although the object of protection was the "motherland" ("Mother Russia"). In this masculinized discourse on war, the role of women, female work remains in the background. Although the close connection between patriarchy and militarism is recognized unconditionally, Russian colonialism is rarely analyzed through the prism of patriarchy.

Tibet occupies a very advantageous geostrategic position: by controlling Tibet, one controls all the region's main waterways, gaining access to its main trade routes. The authorities of the Qing Empire, who had greatly influenced Tibet, promoted the isolationist sentiments of Tibet. Since the 1860s, Tibet has banned the access of foreign nationals, especially European. Violators faced the death penalty. Nevertheless, Russia sent expeditions to Tibet with gifts for the Dalai Lama, but none were successful. As a result, the authorities sent their agents to Tibet under the guise of pilgrims. Gombozhab Tsybikov was born in 1873 in Urda-Aga, a Trans-Baikal region. He graduated from the Agin parish school and Chita gymnasium. Then, he entered the Faculty of Medicine of Tomsk University. There, he met Peter Badmaev, the godson of diplomat and doctor Alexander III. He persuaded Tsybikov to quit his medicinal studies and enter the Oriental Faculty of St. Petersburg University. At the Eastern Faculty, Tsybikov was supervised by the Mongolian Alexei Pozdev . He was the first to come up with the idea of sending Tsybikov to Tibet under the guise of a pilgrim. In 1899, Tsybikov graduated from the university, and almost immediately went to Tibet. IRGO provided him with a handheld camera and glass negative plates. To maintain secrecy, Tsybikov hid the camera in the Hurde's prayer drum, which didn't arouse suspicion. He took pictures through the drum's hole, hiding from everyone. Kalmyk Ovshe Norzunov is a descendant of the noble Kalmyk family Zaisang Bolshederbetovsky ulus of the Stavropol province. His goal was to deliver letters and gifts to the Dalai Lama. During his second trip, Norzunov couldn't get to Tibet, but his third attempt was successful: he received an audience with the Dalai Lama XIII and took pictures of Lhasa. Both travelers managed to leave Tibet undisclosed. IRGO printed and sent 50 photos to the largest geographical societies around the world. The envelope containing photos was also sent to the editorial office of National Geographic . And, in January 1905, an issue with 11 photos of Tibet was published. At that time, the little-known National Geographic mainly published text notes, and the issue with a large photographic box brought it great popularity. This transformed the magazine's purpose, leading to enhanced print media - it was after the Tibetan cycle that the magazine spread throu large photos and very minimal text.

The Soviet regime perceived cultural revival and desire for political autonomy of peoples as a threat. This led to large-scale repressions and the destruction of national leaders. The case of the Union of Siberian Turks has become a tragic page in history, symbolizing the suppression of national identity. In 1936, an Oirotian campaign was carried out to identify "counter-revolutionary nationalists" hiding in party structures. According to the court, these "nationalist organizations" planned to take advantage of the Japanese War to raise an armed uprising, overthrow the Soviet government, and create an independent bourgeois state under a Japanese protectorate. Such accusations began to be massively applied against the Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia. Those arrested in Khakassia, Oirotia, and Gornaya Shoria were stereotypically accused of trying to create an independent republic of the Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia in cooperation with Japan. In the case of the "Union of Siberian Turks" and similar trials, Gurkin was arrested. Gurkin, Sary-Sep Kanzychakov, and other cultural figures were soon shot.  The descendants of the repressed still don't know where their relatives are buried. The fate of some members of the "Union of Siberian Turks" sent to the camps also remains unknown. The 1930s left a deep mark on the history of Southern Siberia, becoming a time of cruel repression and destruction of national Turkic leaders. The desire for the Khakhass, Altais, Shor to preserve their culture and political autonomy was perceived as a threat to the Soviet regime, leading to mass arrests, executions, and deprivation of the peoples' human rights. With the disappearance of national leaders, the processes of cultural revival have dramatically decreased. The repression aimed to weaken ethnic identity and prevent the formation of national identity, which has significantly impacted the Khakass, Altai, and Shor peoples' opportunity to develop and preserve their culture. Amongst such measures were the transition to the Cyrillic alphabet and the ban of traditional names, which led to assimilation that undermined their cultural identity. The loss of traditional names is a central example these repressions' consequences. During the Soviet regime, many Altai and Khakass were forced to use only Russian names in official documents. Due to this policy, traditional names have become a rarity, becoming a loss of cultural continuity and the weakening of the connection with the traditions of ancestry. Thus, the repressions left an indelible mark, as reflected in linguistic assimilation, loss of traditions, and cultural customs significant to the Sayano-Altai's self-identification. It's important to remember the price paid by those who fought to preserve their culture and connect with their ancestral traditions.

“I knew that something would suddenly happen there,” Adyana recalls how she was getting ready for a rally against the arrest of Alexei Navalny on January 23, 2021.  Adyana came to the Ulan-Ude rally in puffy sweatpants and a warm jacket but still froze to the bone. For the first time, she saw with her own eyes “police lawlessness,” and what happens to “people undesirable to the state” who protested.    That day, the rally gathered up to 1,000. Citizens came out to the square near the Ballet Theater with posters, chanting  "Shame!,"   "Freedom for Navalny" ,  and "One for all and all for one!"  The man who gave the speech was immediately grabbed by the arms and legs of the police and carried into a paddy wagon. They tried to fight him off but to no avail. At some point,  the cosmonauts  began to push the protesters out of the square in a column. At the rally, Sayana saw many of her acquaintances - thoughtful, successful people who own businesses. Many of them, like Sayana, had left Russia within the last two years. A young colleague, whom she had persuaded to come with  "fiery speeches,"  also went to the rally.    A year later, Sayana took part in anti-war rallies, including the protest against mobilization on September 21, 2022, where at least 11 people were detained. Despite extreme repression, people came out to protest and picket. At the same time, the Buryat protest took on an online form. At the beginning of the war, Buryat activists created the Free Buryatia Foundation - the first anti-war national movement. Buryat activists conducted  research, carried out human rights activities, and fought for the future of their people.  “It’s ingrained in us to be quiet, not to stick your neck out. In our country, anyone who raised their head was shot and drowned. At the same time, we shouldn’t forget that the Buryats in Buryatia are a non-titular nation. I remember all the teasing, like “Buryat pants are on fire,” and calling them slant-eyed. We were never taught to speak out against something, especially against the government. No one wants trouble, and a rally is a surefire trouble.” In turn, Rajana Dugar-De Ponte, the organizer of the protests against the liquidation of Buryat autonomies, doesn't believe that there is little political activity in Buryatia.  "We were constantly suppressed. However, the protests of the 2000s showed that our people had potential. If a patient person is suppressed, humiliated, insulted, or subjected to violence for a long time, then eventually their patience snaps."  Despite all the years of repression, the Buryat people still survived, showing how strong and resilient the Buryats really are. “This is a bad time for our people, but it will pass, and our people will survive.”

The phenomenon of "blackface" is probably known to many. This is historically the name for theatrical makeup, which American actors covered themselves with to portray dark-skinned characters. In such theatrical productions, African Americans were depicted in emphasized caricatures - as irrational human beings. This genre has existed for over a century and has significantly shaped stereotypes about dark-skinned people. Similar racial discrimination in American cinema has also impacted Asians. The so-called "yellowface" was perpetuated in early Hollywood history, casting white performers in Asian roles (most often Chinese or Japanese). Why was it like this? The main reason is the policy of racial segregation, which operated in the United States until the 1970s. You've probably heard of the catastrophic discrimination of African Americans, especially if you've watched the Oscar-winning "Green Book". However, the situation for Asians in the US wasn't any better. Thus, in 1905, California enacted a law that banned mixed marriages. In 1924, the "Law on the Exclusion of Asians" was issued, which resulted in the impossibility of American Japanese to obtain citizenship. But let's get back to "yellowface". For decades in Hollywood, the practice of embodying Asians by white actors was widespread. How did they do it? Let's look at some examples: In 1915, the silent film "Madame Butterfly" about an American lieutenant in love with a young geisha Chio Chio San was released. The Japanese heroine is played by the American superstar Mary Pickford. In 1919, in the film "Broken Shoots" (based on Thomas Bjork's novel "The Chink and the Child"), the Chinese character is played by American actor Richard Barthelmess. Despite positive depictions of the Asian hero, the portrayal reproduces rather offensive stereotypes, which is historically not surprising; at that time, Asian xenophobia was ubiquitous in the "white" world because of the so-called "yellow threat" - the racist theory that the peoples of the "yellow" Mongoloid race are an existential threat to the "white" Caucasian race. Until now, films in which Asian characters were played by white actors and actresses have continued to be widely released. For example, the films "Doctor Strange" (2016) and "Ghost in Armor" (2017) with Tilda Swinton and Scarlett Johansson, respectively, raised controversy. Perhaps, some will remember the recent release of "The Little Mermaid", where Ariel is played by the dark-skinned actress Holly Bailey. A couple of outraged commentators even called it "whiteface", talking about reverse racism. For decades, it was extremely difficult for non-white actors and actresses to break into blockbuster hits. In Russia, this problem has continued to bloom, as almost all federal films are about Slavs.

The Republic of Tuva is considered a region with one of the highest levels of support from the Russian Federation. However, if we dig deeper, the public reaction of Tuvans to what is happening in the republic and the country is not so unambiguous. Russia's invasion of Ukraine shocked Tuvan society. From the first day of the war, protests were held in Tuva. A young married couple of Mijits came out to the main square of the capital for a peaceful protest but were soon detained and fined under the law for illegal rallies. The Mizhit family was soon forced to leave the republic due to law enforcement agency threats. The "Chaa Tyva" ("New Tuva") appeared, fighting Russian propaganda and helping Tuvan soldiers terminate contracts to prevent participation in a full-scale war with Ukraine. The majority of the community has left the country. The participants of the underground resistance remained in Tuva, distributing anti-war newspapers and leaflets. The most resonant speech against the war in Tuva was a women's peaceful protest in September 2022. Tuvan women organized themselves in social networks to protect their husbands from being mobilized for the war. They hoped that local police wouldn't arrest the women of Tuva, because they could have been sent to war. But these hopes were quickly crushed as these protests were harshly suppressed. The residents of Tuva have also grown concerned about natural resource exploitation in their republic. At the end of August 2024, a conflict occurred in the Chedi-Khol district of Tuva. Residents strongly opposed the gold exploration in the taiga, fearing devastating environmental consequences. The miner's artel "Oina" planned to start geological exploration on alluvial deposits, but met strong resistance. Residents blocked the bridge, preventing drilling equipment from entering the taiga. Women played a particularly active role in this protest, surrounding the workers, and demanding their explanation of why they had invaded the forests and destroyed the land of Tuva. This protest greatly resonated with Russian authorities and they had to suspend the process. Since the 19th century, the people of Tuva have defended their rights both through protest movements and direct clashes. Peace-loving by nature, the inhabitants of Tuva are not prone to conflicts. The main obstacle to the protest movements is misleading state propaganda, redirecting public discontent from authorities to other societal communities. When rights restrictions are obvious, protests in Tuva are inevitable. The protest potential of the Tuvan people, along with other national republics of Russia, is quite high.

​​ The Altai Republic is known for its rich cultural heritage and natural resources. The nearly thousand-kilometer-long Chui tract is considered one of the most picturesque roads in the world. Most importantly, this republic is home to the indigenous peoples of Altai, who consist of nearly 30% of the entire population --- about 66,000 out of the 220,000. Yet Altai residents have been endlessly fighting for their rights, again and again, opposing initiatives that threaten their culture and environment. In 2006, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the construction of an export gas pipeline, which has been operating for nearly 13 years. Known as the "Power of Siberia-2," this pipeline has connected Siberian gas fields with the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in western China and the Chinese West-East gas pipeline, which delivers gas to Shanghai. The project agreement was officially signed in 2015 between Gazprom and the Chinese company CNPC. However, the pipeline passes through the Ukok plateau in the Altai Republic, considered the UNESCO World Heritage Sites “Golden Mountains of Altai.” Environmentalists warn of potential violations of fragile ecosystems and Russia's international obligations to protect UNESCO Heritage Sites. Many Russian and international organizations, as well as indigenous peoples themselves, for whom the Ukok plateau holds sacred meaning, protested against the construction of the gas pipeline. In 2008, about 15,000 signatures were collected for changing the route, and in 2013, more than 17,000. In 2021, residents of the Turochak district protested against gold mining near Lake Teletsky. Lake Teletskoye is the second largest lake in Russia after Baikal and is included in the UNESCO World Cultural and Natural Heritage List. Public hearings on the development of the Breccia field gathered 224 participants, the majority of whom expressed concern about the likely contamination of a unique reservoir. In September 2024, Vladimir Putin visited Mongolia and announced the completion of the project documentation and the current environmental impact assessment. However, Mongolia excluded the project from its development plan until 2028, attributed to possible sanctions or Ulaanbaatar's refusal to participate in the construction. Federal authorities have continued to ignore the needs of the Altai residents, disrespectful of their culture and nature. As a result, the population has expressed their frustration through active protests. These issues have gone to show the importance of the understanding between authority and society, that sustainable development is only possible when the interests and direct will of local residents are taken into account.

"Coal companies deliberately damage monuments because it's easier for them to pay a fine than to keep them. There's an entire steppe in burial grounds, from which the majority will be excavated." Khakassia suffers not only from coal companies but also from gold miners. The Shorians, a small indigenous people who live in these lands, have especially suffered from this. In 2021, the government of the Republic of Khakassia amended Resolution 508, effectively depriving the Shorians of the opportunity to control their land. Gold mining, like coal, is carried out by barbaric methods, destroying forests, polluting rivers, and destroying the traditional way of life of the Shorts. Territories that are sacred and culturally significant to them are turning into industrial landscapes. This process leads to the loss of their ancestral lands and the destruction of the natural environment that has supported their existence for centuries. The lands of Khakass villages have been seized, and the coal company has continued to extract coal for export. Khakass peoples have been fighting for the preservation of their lands, but are not able to resist the coal "mafia," as the government works in the interests of raw material companies. While there are tools to protect the right to favorable environments, they are useless, and indigenous peoples are left with virtually no working mechanisms to protect their lands. This situation shows how the economic interests of businesses have led to environmental and social disasters. The local population is losing its lands and livelihoods, and coal explosions threaten their lives. Despite all these difficulties, local residents have continued to fight for their land, culture, and human rights. Mineral exploitation is not only an ecological crisis but also a social catastrophe. When working on a farm becomes impossible, people lose the meaning of life. Some leave and some commit suicide. For many Khakass people, losing land is not just losing the source of income, but also losing the meaning of existence --- the connection to their ancestors. We often hear that coal is a necessary resource for the economy. But here is when the question arises: what kind of economy can exist without people? While coal companies leave behind a desert unfit for farming and living and the state government indulges in this, citizens are left with nothing. In the context of modern Russian politics, we see how activism, especially one that contradicts the economic interests of large businesses, is brutally suppressed. Those who dare to oppose coal mines and protect the local population face repression from authorities. And in light of all of this, it's difficult not to wonder: how long will people have enough strength to fight?

We are not Russian! We are citizens of the Russian Federation, but we are not Russians. Our people faced violent Russification, Christianization, prohibition of language and culture, deportation, and genocide. And we still don't renounce our name." On September 26, 2019, Dmitry Trapeznikov was appointed acting head of the Elista city administration at the suggestion of the head of Kalmykia Batu Khasikov and assistant to the President of Russia Vladislav Surkov. The appointment caused public discontent among the residents of Kalmykia due to Trapeznikov's lack of connections with the region. Moreover, in the past, he held leadership positions in the unrecognized Donetsk People's Republic, which could not but increase the fears of the Elistians. Trapeznikov's appointment took place without any coordination with the residents of the city themselves, which only added fuel to the fire of social tension regarding the opacity of political decisions and was perceived by society as Kremlin pressure on the national republic. This is how journalist Badma Burchiev, one of the organizers of the protests against Trapeznikov, says this: "He has (appr. Trapeznikov) had no Russian work experience, legally he could not head Elista. Human rights activist Semyon Ateev proved this in the courts, showing links that Trapeznikov had a fake diploma. And the funniest thing is that at the court's request, Kabardino-Balkar State University told us that Trapeznikov had studied for a master's degree in economics in a month." The protest movement began with a popular rally on September 29, 2019. Residents of the city gathered in the center of the capital to demand the resignation of Dmitry Trapeznikov. The authorities ignored the demands of the citizens. On October 1, protesters attended a Buddhist "prayer with elements of a rally" at the Seven Days Pagoda. About 500 people gathered for the prayer rally. The organizers handed out printed prayers, and the participants of the rally prayed for the well-being of the city. Co-organizer of the rally and creator of the 4 Oirad brand, Aldar Erenzhenov remembers that day as follows: "The prayer meeting was significant for me. Because it was opposite the Elista White House and the City Hall. This is a place associated with protests. The pagoda was erected so that people would not gather in the square after the 2004 rally. And it was important for me to put this place together again, to give the place a political life, so that the square would become a place for subjectivity again." The number of those wishing to join the protest grew. On October 13, about 4,000 people came to a concerted rally in the center of Elista, who expressed dissatisfaction not only with Trapeznikov's appointment but also, in general, with the policy of the head of Batu Khasikov. According to journalist Badma Burchiev, active agitation on social networks and the involvement of the younger generation in the protests helped to gather such several people. So, all live broadcasts of the rallies were broadcast online on the 4Oirad page on Instagram. "4Oirad had quite a lot of subscribers. And, of course, this was the target audience: young active people who care about the fate of the Kalmyk people," Aldar Erenzhenov explains the reason. The protest atmosphere heated up. Stickers with the Pagoda and the inscription "Elista is our city!" were pasted all over the city, and Dmitry Sharaev's song "Sertn, sergt khan halmgubbe!" sounded from the car windows. (note translation: "Wake up, be reborn, Kalmyks!"), which organically became an unofficial anthem of protests. On October 27, about 3,500 people came to the rally. The protesters put forward demands to hold a referendum on the direct election of the mayor, remove Trapeznikov, and dissolve the Elistin Assembly. On November 17, about 2,000 people came to the next action. Participation in the movement has become a form of civil solidarity for the residents of the republic. For example, after activists began to receive fines and punishments in the form of compulsory labor for participation in rallies, people helped to raise money to pay fines and helped with the execution of punishment by participating in cleaning the city with the activists themselves.  On December 22, the organizers of the protests held the first online meeting in Russia via Zoom, which gathered about 2,200 participants. Badma Burchiev talks about the reason for this format: "We came up with this form because everyone ready to organize rallies was already brought to administrative responsibility. Repeatedly. There was a law that for repeated violation of the article on "uncoordinated" rallies for a certain period - it is possible to issue fines of one hundred thousand or bring to criminal responsibility. The initiative could not be lost, so we decided to do it online." The wave of rallies continued in 2020. Thus, on January 5, about 500 people took part in the action, demanding the resignation of Dmitry Trapeznikov and the head of the republic Batu Khasikov, the cessation of the persecution of activists, and the return of direct elections. Almost two months later, on March 3, despite the protests, the deputies of the city assembly supported Trapeznikov, electing him head of the city administration. On March 14, about 400 people went to the rally in Elista. The protesters demanded the implementation of the law on the rehabilitation of repressed peoples, the resignation of the leadership, and the return of democratic elections for the head of the city. However, in 2020, the world was captured by the coronavirus epidemic. The pandemic, as the organizers of the rallies say, has limited the protest movement. Any application for the rally was rejected by the authorities due to the "epidemiological situation". Protesters could only participate in single pickets. But even such conditions did not stop the residents of Kalmykia from expressing their civic position. February 15, 2022, Dmitry Trapeznikov prematurely terminated his powers in connection with the transition to the position of Deputy Head of the Government of Kalmykia. "Although it was a promotion, people achieved what they fought for. - Aldar Erenzhenov shares his opinion. - Now he is not in the Elista mayor's office." The experience of the protest movement in the republic became a source of inspiration for many creative personalities in Kalmykia. Artists joined the spirit of civil solidarity, reflecting the political events of the republic in their creative works and thus expressing their position on issues important to the people. One such example was rapper Adyan Ubushaev, known under the pseudonym Bodong. Participating in the protests against Trapeznikov, he also released a song in the Kalmyk language called "Kharachud" (appr. "Black people"). The song contains the following lines: "Өргә дотр суудг сәәчүд ес гиҗ хараачуд?" (lane "Sitting rulers or black people in the palace?"), emphasizing the gap between power and people. In 2022, artist and director Victoria Sarangova presented the documentary film "Lenin Square. Elista", which tells the history of the main square of the capital of Kalmykia. In this film, Sarangova shows how public space has become a reflection of socio-political and cultural changes. The film uses archival footage from the protests of 2004 and 2019. "We had a series of lectures on the theory of space, and I remembered how much Lenin Square has changed in my hometown of Elista. Then I found an article by Badma Burchiev about the protests of 2004 and continued to explore how this area is connected with the history of Kalmykia. In 2019, I collected material from the National Archive and the library. And I managed to attend almost every one of the first protests. That's how the movie was born. Initially, the function of the square is a civil meeting. I believe that the function of the square is lost," Victoria Sarangova said at the festival of young Kalmyk cinema (Halmg bakhchudyn kino) OiRADio. The 4 Oirad brand also found inspiration in the protests. In 2019, the project team released a lookbook called "Protest Autumn Elista 2019". In it, 4Oirad presented a collection of clothes on models posing against the background of protest actions, thereby showing the connection of fashion with political events in the republic. In March 2022, the brand released the merch "Non-Russian" in response to a campaign billboard in the center of Elista with the inscription "I am Kalmyk, but today we are all Russians".